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Discover a Feeling of Historical Dignity
Interview with Moskovskiye Novosti
24 January 2012 No. 203
The director of the State Hermitage told MN about how he sees the
program for commemorating the victims of political repression
- The program for commemorating the victims of political repression
has been around for quite a long time, however, as far as I am aware,
it has not been developed yet. Now a working group has been set up. Will
this give it a kick start?
- If the whole Human Rights Council started discussing issues on commemorating
the victims of repression, we would hear lots of pretty words on how important
and timely it is. A sensible working group should deal with specific tasks,
determine the legal status of future monuments, their financing and development
concept. This work is not very visible, but this, and not the correct
words said at large meetings, is what determines the initiative’s effectiveness.
- What needs to be done first?
- The first thing we need to do is to establish for ourselves how to
talk about the history of Stalinism. What museums, monuments should be
dedicated to the victims of repression, what should they say, what should
they promote? We could build a Disneyland type museum, as several ex-Soviet
countries have done, where the GULAG is presented as an attraction. It
could be done pompously, with a moralizing tone, politicized historical
facts and put people off. Or we could just look at our history, not without
emotion of course, but without excess. The emotional release should, I
believe, be a result, a consequence of being immersed in the subject.
Poland has interesting experience in this, for example with the Warsaw
Uprising Museum, Israel has the Yad Vashem Museum and there are monuments
at the sites of concentration camps in Germany. However, it is impossible
to mechanically transfer experience, especially as the subject of Soviet
repression is a particular one. It contains many layers, personal, political,
geographical, documentary and even artistic. We do not have experience
of creating such monuments, although there have been exhibitions, even
some very good ones, in Russian museums. They emphasize history in particular.
I think that museums can provide the gel that brings together the complex
story of the painful subject of repressions. They tell the story visually,
in a documentary manner and even possibly with an element of theatricality.
Museums collect, save, study and present.
I believe that this is exactly what the concept for commemorating victims
of repression should be. It is impossible to implement this without assistance
from archives, ministries and public organizations. And the task should
not be simplified. We are not just talking about creating monuments or
exhibitions, but also about a long and well run program for studying this
period.
Respect for tragedy
Last week the first meeting was held of the working group for preparing
proposals aimed at implementing a program for commemorating the victims
of political repression. It was created by presidential order on 27 December
2011. The group is made up of representatives from different ministries,
regional authorities, archive institutions and the organization Memorial.
- Why does the state need to raise again the uncomfortable subject
of Stalinist repressions?
- It is another attempt to understand our own history. If a state wishes
to be strong it cannot avoid it. Historical dignity is formed gradually,
through acknowledging the past in full. Without embellishment, with sorrow,
shame and dark pages. We just need to discover it, as for decades we have
rewritten history and lost it.
- The declaration from above on de-Stalinization is not reflected
in society, it even irritates...
- I think that the more we pronounce the word Stalin, the more we make
this mediocre person an historical personality. We need to fully understand
our history without simplifications, without dumping all our misfortunes
on Stalin alone. Was he alone, didn’t anybody else exist near him, didn’t
anybody create this system with and before him? Stalin was not the first,
he worked on foundations laid by Lenin. He was really Lenin’s successor.
He was quite a mediocre person. He built a system for mediocrities.
- Stalin created a system led by mediocrities, therefore they felt
unsure of themselves, and were always willing, out of fear, to give up
their colleagues?
- He created a state for mediocrities so that he could easily manipulate
them. We must not forget the nation’s guilt, as we end up with all victims
and only one executioner. Everyone else was clean. That is not possible.
Many of the repressed, victims were also unfortunately not guiltless.
They created the system and they served the system. Blood is on them.
- Don’t you think that the public rejection of the truth about Stalinism
is related to a subconscious guilt complex for the nation’s complicity?
- Of course that’s natural. When we feel a certain discomfort, even an
unconscious realism, we try to keep quiet. But this is infantile consciousness.
We need to overcome it.
- Different nations have different memory cultures. For example, the
Poles worship defeated heroes, for them sacrifice is more important than
victory. The Russian tradition is different. In our country we mainly
honor only victors.
- Yes, we associate victory with strength. Although, that is not always
the case. As for cultivating suffering it dominates in Armenian cultural
memory, and in Jewish. Tragedy, its experience and understanding are a
part of national identity. This should also be the case in Russia. Respect
for tragedy is an integral part of the past and is no less important than
victory. We need to work long and scrupulously so that the public can
accept that the period of Stalinism is not something to be ashamed of
that should be hidden, but a tragedy. And as a given. And not distance
ourselves from it. Akhmatova put it very well: “I was with my people in
those hours. There where, unhappily, my people were”. A big mistake that
many post Soviet denouncers of Stalin make is to stress the shamefulness
of the period and not its tragedy. That is how hatred and not empathy
was taught.
- The first meeting of the working group discussed the so-called Suprun
case. He was convicted of publishing a Book of Memory (Department Chair
of Russian history of Pomor State University Mikhail Suprun and Head of
the Department of Internal Affairs information center for Arkhangelsk
Region colonel Alexander Dudarev, studied the fate of victims of repression
and compiled a Book of Memory were convicted at the end of 2011 - MN).
- This is a worrying precedent. It turns out that any researcher or archivist
studying the repressions may be charged with breaking the law. We live
in a subculture of distrust, so we should not be surprised by such things.
However, we must find a way of protecting historians from such absurdities.
I am sure that our working group will deal with this issue before many
others.
Yulia Kantor
http://mn.ru/society_rights/20120124/310262912.html
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