|
The View from the Hermitage. Who won in Iraq?
An article in the newspaper St Petersburgskie Vedomosti
27 December 2006 (Nr 243)
In today's talk about Iraq, two personalities are frequently mentioned.
On the one hand, there is Saddam Hussein, and on the other - the new U.S.
Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. I saw them both in the Hermitage when
I took them around the museum. To be sure, there was a large interval
of time between those events.
Hussein came when he was still the second in command in Iraq. At that
time his name was surrounded by revolutionary legends. For a young specialist
in Arabic studies like me then and for those who accompanied him, he represented
a romantic figure. It was interesting to walk around the Hermitage with
him and to talk about Iraq and the revolution. But of all the VIPs to
whom I have showed the Hermitage, he was the only one whom absolutely
nothing in the museum could move. He was focused on his own concerns,
talked only about them and perceived nothing around him.
At about the same time, I recall, the Prime Minister of Yemen, A. Ariani
arrived. He was dressed in traditional clothing and it seemed to me he
would feel awkward in the museum. But he looked around with interest and
it was evident that this man appreciated art.
Hussein produced the impression of a man who is blinkered, and evidently
this is a peculiarity of his character. Judging by the facts, this peculiarity
turned into absolute certainty in the correctness of his own actions.
He was convinced that he would defeat everyone when he went into Kuwait.
This demonstrates a primitive calculation and primitive calculations are
dangerous.
Now the resistance in Iraq is led by Hussein's closest assistant, Izzat
Ibrahim. There was a time I saw him in Baghdad in one of those famous
bookstores where you can find old books and order old publications. Suddenly
a ‘rustle' passed through the store, automatic weapons appeared and it
became clear that someone important had entered. Iraq's number three in
power, Izzat Ibrahim, entered wearing gray attire. He sat down and became
absorbed in books. During my stay in Baghdad, I spoke to people and I
already had an idea of that bloody regime. Here was its other side - secular,
learned, expressing an interest in books, in Arab nationalism and in the
Arab nation. Now a man who combined in himself both aspects of the regime
has in one way or another come to lead the resistance and even wage war.
Another man on whom Iraq's future depends is Robert Gates. It happened
that during the period of Perestroika I received two directors of the
CIA in the Hermitage within a short interval of time. When Robert Gates
visited us, he produced the impression of some kind of university professor.
An intellectual turned intelligence agent, a specialist on Russia, a man
who appears mild-mannered and who understands everything. It was interesting
to take him around the museum. He liked everything. I recall that his
entourage was surprising. A man in a raincoat got out of the car together
with the head of the CIA. As director of the museum, I said firmly that
one had to remove outer clothing before entering. He replied: "Professor,
I cannot. This is our communications link." He threw open his coat and
revealed the equipment he was wearing. And so the "communications link"
went along with us through the museum.
The intellectual intelligence officer Robert Gates has become Secretary
of Defense of the USA and I hope he will approach the situation which
has arisen in the Near East with realism.
Now it is worth while sorting out who has won in the Iraqi war. In my
view, there are several victors. Firstly, however strange it may sound,
Saddam Hussein won the war. Let's recall the enigmatic situation at the
beginning of the war. He withdrew his army, his people and he himself
fled, but he established an armed resistance which continues to fight
actively. Saddam left but the resistance remained. This is a plan which
will bring victory in the struggle against the Americans. A confirmation
of this is the fact that the Government of Iraq has decided to take back
into service the soldiers and officers of Hussein's army.
Of course, the USA also can claim victory. They carried out all their
tasks. The first task was to destroy Iraq. As an instrument it had ceased
to be necessary to the Americans in the Near East. It had stopped being
a counterweight to Iran and, on the contrary, had become a strong counterweight
to Israel. The USA destroyed Iraq. A country which was created artificially
from various provinces of a caliphate joined together after a revolution
can easily fall apart. And now it will take gigantic efforts to restore
Iraq, and they will scarcely be crowned with success.
Of course, the Americans have established their control over Iraqi oil.
You can say as much as you like that they have no need of this. But in
fact in this way they will try to regulate the price of oil. Finally,
the Americans have installed their troops in the center of the Near East.
Now they can arrive at any location there within an hour. The problem
of the military threat to Israel has been solved.
In evaluating the results of the war in Iraq, it seems to me that many
people have forgotten that the Iraqi Shiites have also carried out their
tasks. It is customary to say that the crafty Americans launched a military
action and drew everyone there. They provoked Saddam to attack Iran and
Kuwait. I remind you that the information that Saddam Hussein had nuclear
weapons came from Shiite sources. The Shiites immediately took advantage
of the situation created by the Americans entering Iraq. They created
a powerful Shiite bastion in Iraq. Just next door are the Shiites of Iran,
who actively pull the strings of political life. You can say the same
about the Shiites of Lebanon and Palestine. Possibly the Shiites won more
than anyone else, because it seems it is precisely they who will call
the shots in the Near East.
One has to define precisely the peculiarities of the psychology in Shiite
teachings. This is one of the currents of Islam. From the standpoint of
European understanding, the Shiites are the current of Islam that learned
something from the church organization of Christianity. The Sunnis believe
there is no intermediary between God and man, and that there was the prophet
Mohammed who brought the Koran, which must be studied and by which one
must live. The Shiites, on the contrary, say that intermediaries do exist.
These are the Shiite imams, who are to a certain degree theologians, and
whom we might even call clergy. They fulfill the link between god and
man. These intermediaries constitute the political system, which is reminiscent
of the system of control in the Communist Party. There is the notion of
rule by theologians. There is the highest theologian, who is elected,
and he takes final decisions on strategic questions. He always insists
on his views and can even chase out the president and prime minister.
He examines all issues from the standpoint of ideology, which in the given
instance means from the standpoint of religion. It reminds us very much
of the CPSU, with one difference: whereas the Party owned everything,
the Shiite clergy sits to one side and directs the process.
Now new political constructs are being created in the Near East. This
concerns in particular Iraq, a country where changes in regime always
have been bloody. But civil wars are also going on in Lebanon and in Palestine.
King Abdullah of Jordan, one of the best peacemakers in the Near East,
has warned about this. In his evaluation of the situation surrounding
the Holy Land, Palestine and Israel, he very correctly observed once in
Davos that two peoples, the Jews and the Arabs, are committing mutual
suicide. In place of secular and moderate regimes, hard-line fundamentalists
are striving to take power. Also in Davos, the former head of intelligence
of Saudi Arabia gave what I think is a proper characterization of fundamentalists
as a sect, with the psychological features of sectarianism - from charismatic
leaders to mindless extremism. I think that in all the instances mentioned
above, the application of more universal parallels and definitions would
enable people to correctly understand the situation. These are universal
matters, not just local matters. And the situation is terrifying.
I think we should address ourselves to the Near East and to our cultural
mission. After these decades, while people in the Near East still remember
Russian influence; while there are still people who speak Russian and
look hopefully to Russia and to Russian culture. There are ways by which
we can calmly make a return to this land. For example, an exhibition of
young artists from a number of different countries was just held in Cairo.
There were representatives coming from America, Australia and everywhere
in between. Only Russia did not take part. I was invited to be honorary
chairman of the biennale together with one of Egypt's oldest artists.
This was done not just to mark the presence of an Arabic scholar or director
of Russia's largest museum, but in a show of regard for our country. This
demonstrates the feelings of the friends Russia has.
At about this time, the fortieth anniversary of the opening of the Russian
cultural center in Cairo was celebrated. A lot of people were there whom
we had seen in the past. They shared reminiscences about the cultural
presence of our country. The same feelings arise in Kuwait, where we have
long had scientific and cultural links that we intend to further develop,
including in the area of exhibitions. The same occurs in Abu-Dhabi, where
we perhaps will participate in museum and exhibition projects.
The Near East is ready for a Russian cultural offensive and influence.
We have to think this over seriously. One has to remember that our cultural
exports are always successful. People need this. There is a firm basis
for it and for the time being there is still a living memory of Russian
culture laid down during the time of the friendship of many countries
of the Near East with Russia.
|